Davide's Notes

As Tim rightfully observes, a key point in developing skills related to thinking theologically (and not only to that!) is the ability to see the bigger picture, i.e. to integrate.

Today I am still a bit sick, sore throat and all, and I am not much in the mood of reviewing Greek grammar or reading lots of Church history sources. Having a bit of spare time, I thought I could briefly go through the list of the bishops of Rome (or "Popes", if you want) till 461 CE, writing a few words about each of them, with short references to [what in my erratic opinion are some of the] important events of their time. It is Rome-centric, yes, but Rome was actually, until at least Constantine, the center of political power and, as such, had non-negligible influence (read English understatement here) on Church history issues. On the other hand, it would also be certainly interesting to redo the exercise with the bishops of Alexandria, or Byzantium.

I will take the list and most of the information about the bishops themselves from the Catholic Encyclopedia and from the Wikipedia List of Popes. I am not very much interested in this post in discussing historical accuracy: for example, it is well known that the names of the first popes are possibly a fiction, and certainly they were not called "pope". (Marcellinus [296-304] is, or at least so I found out, the first Roman bishop for which there is documented use of the term "pope".) So, see this just as a didactical device for the sake of briefly reviewing early Church history. I will also skip Peter as first pope. Information about the Roman emperors come mainly from the Timelines for Ancient Roman History and from the Wikipedia List of Roman Emperors.

I think that the outcome of this short exercise is to make one aware that history does not happen in a vacuum, and that while one is sometimes focused to study individual thinkers or thought systems, it is essential to keep one's eyes open to the overall context (or, more formally, to both synchronicity and diachronicity).

Name	When	Roman emperors and other major events	Notes
Linus	67-76	Nero becomes emperor in 54. In 67 Vespasian and Titus submit the Jews (70 fall of Jerusalem). In 68 Nero is killed. In 69 Vespasian is proclaimed emperor.	Irenaeus mentions Linus in AH III.3.3, linking him to the Linus of 2 Tim 4:21. This is not proved. As for his alleged martyrdom, we are not aware of persecutions in the period between Nero and Domitian (and then one should critically evaluate even the persecution under Nero).
Anacletus (and/or Cletus)	76-88	79 Vespasian dies. Titus succeeds him (he was quite unpopular at first. Remember his affair with Berenice). A month later, the eruption of Mount Vesuvius destroys Pompei and Herculaneum (this was often seen as a divine sign - perhaps against the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple). He inaugurated the Colosseum and the Thermae. Domitian becomes emperor in 81.	The chronological uncertainties at this early stage are such that this pope could in reality correspond to zero, one, or more persons (for example there is no trace of him in Tertullian; but then Tertullian also does not mention Linus). Allegedly died as a martyr. Under Domitian begins the so-called second persecution. For it, we have some testimony from Eusebius ("[Domitian] was in fact the second that stirred up a persecution against us", HE III.17) and from Tertullian ("Domitian, too, a man of Nero's type in cruelty, tried his hand at persecution; but as he had something of the human in him, he soon put an end to what he had begun, even restoring again those whom he had banished.", Apology V). Dio Cassius also has references to what maybe a persecution against Christians. Prof. Doughty writes that Any appeals to writings such as 1 Clement or the Apocalypse of John, however, are circular arguments, since the assumption of a persecution of Christians during the reign of Domitian is also used to date these writings. Almost everything else Keresztes relates is pure speculation. The bottom line is that we have no real evidence for any persecution of Christians under Domitian.
Clement I	88-97	Nerva becomes emperor in 96 and adopts Trajan in 97.	Not much ground to identify him with the Clement of Phil 4:3, as suggested instead by a number of ancient writers (among them, Origen, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Jerome). The well-known Clemens Romanus of 1 Clement. Perhaps the same Clement mentioned by Hermas (vision II, 4.3). That he was martyrized (remember the typical portraits of Clement thrown overboard with an anchor tied to his neck) seems to be a late addition.
Evaristus	97-105	Trajan emperor in 98.
Alexander I	105-115	Pliny corresponds with Trajan about the Christians in 111-112.	Traditionally martyred (no evidence). Ignatius of Antioch dies as a martyr about 110 in Rome.
Sixtus I	115-125	Tacitus' Annals published in 116. Hadrian becomes emperor in 117. Suetonius writes his Lives of the Caesars between 119 and 121.	Also traditionally designed as a martyr (no evidence). The Rescript of Hadrian (known to us only via Eusebius, HE IV.9) ordering that an accuser must submit proof to his claims against Chrstians is dated around 125.
Telesphorus	125-136	131 revolt of Bar Kochba, finally suppressed in 135.	The first Roman bishop actually designated by Justin as a martyr. Eusebius says that Telesphorus was one of the bishops who always celebrated Easter on Sunday (see notes on the Easter controversy).
Hyginus	136-140	Antoninus becomes emperor in 138.	According to Justin the famous Gnostic Valentinus came to Rome in Hyginus' time, remaining there until Anicetus became bishop. The Gnostic Cerdo also apparently lived in Rome during Hyginus.
Pius I	140-154		In 150 Justin writes his First Apology, addressed to the emperor Antoninus. Both the Liber Pontificalis and the Muratorian Canon say that Pius would be the brother of Herams, the author of the Shepherd. Pius excommunicated Marcion.
Anicetus	155-166	161 Marcus Aurelius becomes emperor, together with Lucius Verus.	According to Irenaeus, Polycarp visited Rome at the time of Anicetus, and they had some discussions about Easter. See again the notes on the Easter controversy. Anicetus forbid Montanism (and actively opposed Gnosticism and Marcionism). Around 155 Polycarp is martyred. This is one of the few instances of persecution we know under Antoninus. In 160 Justin writes his Second Apology, addressed to the Senate. Around 165 Justin is martyred in Rome. Hegesippus visited Rome during Anicetus' pontificate ("And when I was in Rome, I made a succession up to Anicetus, whose deacon was Eleuterus. And in each succession and in each city all is according to the ordinances of the law and the Prophets and the Lord.", HE IV.22).
Soter	166-175	169 L. Verus dies. In 174 M. Aurelius writes his Meditations.	Harnack thinks that 2 Clement is a homily which Soter sent to Corinth (this would explain the later connection with 1 Clement). Others think that 2 Clement could have been written (perhaps as an Alexandrian homily) around 150.
Eleutherius	175-189	Commodus becomes emperor in 180. Said to be one of the worst Roman emperors.	Athenagoras writes his περι χριστιανων around 177. In 177 we have the persecution of Lyon and Vienne (apparently approved by the stoic Marcus Aurelius, who had little time for Christianity), after which Irenaeus becomes bishop of Lyon. Passion of the Scilitan Martyrs written about 180. Circa 180 we can also date the writings of Celsus (known only through Origen). Montanism seems widespread in this period, and Tertullian may refer to Eleutherius when he speaks of a Roman bishop who acted against them. It is during the episcopate of Eleutherius that Irenaeus writes his Against Heresies. The Muratorian Canon (allegedly written in Rome) is dated by some between 180 and 200.
Victor I	189-199	Commodus murdered in 193 (and the Senate decreed his damnatio memoriae). Pertinax emperor, also promptly murdered; chaotic situation; eventually Septimius Severus becomes emperor (quite unpopular with the Senate, but popular with the citizens, having contrasted the corruption and degeneration of the reign of Commodus). Byzantium captured and destroyed. In 198 his son Caracalla is proclaimed Augustus.	Victor is known for his intolerance against the quartodecimans; Irenaeus blamed his severity and wrote to him, urging him not to break relationships with the bishops of Asia. The positive attitude of Commodus for Christians is attributed by Hippolytus (Ref. IX.7) to the influence of a woman named Marcia, "a concubine of Commodus, who was a God-loving female", and who interacted with Victor. Septimius Severus as well regarded the Christians kindly in his first year of reign. According to Jerome (De Vir. Ill. 53), Victor was the first to write about theology in Latin (but this is doubtful).
Zephyrinus	199-217	209 Geta proclaimed Augustus. Caracalla emperor in 212 (he murdered his brother Geta). Great massacre at Alexandria in 215, ordered by Caracalla. In 217 Macrinus is elected emperor.	In 200 Tertullian writes the Liber Apologeticus. In 202 Septimius Severus enacted a law forbidding conversions to Christianity. Also in 202 (or 203) Perpetua and Felicity became martyrs. Another known martyr under Severus is Leonides, the father of Origen. In 212 Hippolytus makes his appearance as presbyter of the Roman Church (and does not have kind words for Zephyrinus) and tries to fight against Monarchians and Patripassians.
Callistus I	217-222	In 218 some troops make Bassianus (priest of the god Elagabalus, and himself also called Elagabalus) emperor. Quite an eccentric personality, it seems (according at least to the Historia Augusta, notoriously unreliable), which contributed to make him a symbol of the 19th century Decadent movement. In 219 the temple of god Elagabalus is erected in Rome. Alexander Severus becomes emperor in 222. His mother (Julia Mammaea) was a friend of Origen, and apparently had quite some influence over her son; Alexander Severus had in his private chapel busts of Orpheus, Abraham, Apollonius of Tyana and Jesus.	Cf. again Hippolytus, who was quite upset for Callistus' theology and for his practice of the absolution of all repented sins (Tertullian is also not mild against him). Callistus excommunicated Sabellius (and condemned Hippolytus as a ditheist). Hippolytus dedicated his work on the resurrection to Julia Mammaea.
Urban I	222-230
Pontian	230-235	Maximinus Thrax emperor in 235 (the first barbarian to be emperor; he never set foot in Rome).	231 Origen is condemned at Alexandria; Pontian then presides a synod in Rome to confirm the condemnation. Martyred under Maximinus (perhaps dying because of the unhealthy conditions of the Sardinia mines to which he was exiled, together with his rival Hippolytus), who reversed the tolerant policy of Alexander Severus toward Christians. Hippolytus finally came to an agreement with Pontian, thus ending a schism.
Anterus	235-236		Said also to be martyred under Maximinus.
Fabian	236-250	Gordianus I and II emperors in 238. Killed. Maximus and Balbinus declared emperors also in 238. Also killed. Gordianus III emperor. Philippus the Arabian succeeds him in 244 (according to Eusebius, he would have been the first Christian Roman emperor - doubtful). Killed in 248 by Decius, who becomes emperor.	Eusebius relates the story of the extraordinary election of Fabian to bishop in HE VI.29. Martyred under Decius. He was higly esteemed by Cyprian. Decius starts a systematic persecution of the Christians, with the goal of restoring the religions and institutions of ancient Rome (this will bring about among other things the problem of the lapsi).
Cornelius	251-253	Valerian emperor in 253 (together with his son Gallienus).	Opposed by Novatian (according to whom not even a bishop could remit grave sins like apostasy and murder); but Cyprian supports Cornelius. Exiled to Civitavecchia under Trebonus Gallus (one of the ephemeral emperors after Decius and before Valerian).
Lucius I	253-254		He was sent in exile soon after his consecration, and probably returned as soon as Valerian became emperor. Still opposition with Novatian. He is referred to in several letters of Cyprian.
Stephen I	254-257	Edict of Valerian against the Christians in 257. This obliged Christians to participate in the national cult of the pagan gods. A later edict (in 258) ordered bishops, priests and deacon to be put to death.	Stephen, in the controversy on baptism against Cyprian, appears to be one of the first to make appeal to Matt 16:18 to justify the supremacy of Rome. This text will start to really become theologically important with Damasus in 382.
Sixtus II	257-258	Postumus proclaimed emperor in Gaul in 258. Great confusion.	He restored relations with the African and Eastern Churches after the damage provoked by his predecessor Stephen. Martyr due to the edict of Valerian of 258. (cf. Cyprian, Ep. LXXX)
Dionysius	260-268	Gallienus (Valerian's son) sole emperor in 260. Also in 260, edict of toleration for Christians (but Christianity was still a banned religion). M. Aurelius Claudius Gothicus (Claudius II) emperor in 268.	The time span between the death of Sixtus II and the election of Dionysius was apparently due to the violence of the persecutions of Valerian, which did not make it easy to elect a new bishop. We have the letters between this Dionysius and bishop Dionysius of Alexandria concerning baptism and logos christology. According to Eusebius, the synod of Antioch which condemned Paul of Samosata wrote a letter to pope Dionysius.
Felix I	269-274	Quintillus and then Aurelian emperors in 270. In 273 Aurelian destroys Palmyra (first captured in 272, defeating Zenobia). In 274, decree against Christians. Thousands killed in Rome. After the death of Aurelian (275), a period of religious tolerance without persecution.	In 269, the monk Valentine (the later Saint Valentine) allegedly refused to deny Christ before Claudius and was martyred. Felix probably wrote a letter to the synod of Antioch containing an exposition of the doctrine of the Trinity against Paul of Samosata.
Eutychian	275-283	Tacitus (claiming to descend from the historian Gaius Cornelius Tacitus) elected emperor in 276. Chaotic situation. Also in 276, Florianus elected emperor in Rome, M. Aurelius Probus in the East. In 282, Carus emperor.	That he was martyred (as tradition has it) seems difficult to believe, since we don't know of persecutions in this period.
Caius	283-296	Diocletian becomes emperor in 284. Interesting that before Diocletian, between 235 and 284 there was about 20 to 25 emperors. His chosen title was "Dominus et deus". Maximian appointed Caesar and then Augustus in 286. Galerius (east) and Constantius Chlorus (west) appointed Caesars in 293.	Still lived in a time of peace.
Marcellinus	296-304	Galerius persecutes Christians in 297. In 303 the last general persecution of Christians begins (until 311). In 306, Diocletian and Maximian abdicate, and Galerius and Constantius Chlorus become Augusti, with Flavius Severus and Maximinus (later Constantine) as Caesars. Maxentius (son of Maximian) proclaimed Augustus also in 306. Licinius also appointed Augustus. Lots of struggles. Last but not least, Constantine is proclaimed finally August in 306.	According to the Liber Pontificalis, during the persecution led by Galerius, Marcellinus offered incense to idols, but repented shortly afterwards, and was eventually executed (dubious). This story will be later taken up by the donatists in the year 400, who had strong opinions against the lapsi.
Marcellus I	308-309	Maxentius, in 309, expels Marcellus from Rome.	In this period, grave dissentions within the Roman Church on the readmittance of the lapsi.
Eusebius	309/310	Maxentius expels Eusebius as well.	Ditto as above on the problem of the lapsi. The question was whether the apostates could be readmitted to the Church: the Roman Church said yes, after proper penance.
Miltiades	311-314	Edict of Milan (edict of toleration) in 311: the end of the great persecution. "Conversion" of Constantine in 312 (battle at the Milvian bridge against Maxentius).	In the Lateran Synod of 313 Donatus was condemned as a heretic; Caecilian was then considered the legitimate bishop of Carthage. Constantine wrote a letter about the donatist dispute to Miltiades and one Mark (Eusebius, HE X.5), the latter sometimes identified as the pope Marcus of 336. According to the Liber Pontificalis, at the time of Miltiades Manichaeans were found in Rome.
Sylvester I	314-335	Constantine defeats Licinius at Chrysopolis and soon after Constantine had him assassinated. Council of Nicaea, 326. In 330 Constantinople becomes the new capital.	Amazing that we have so little reliable information about Sylvester, who was pontiff for quite a long time, during a most important period of history. He was represented at Nicaea and probably convened a council at Rome to condemn Arius. His relations with Constantine are all but proved. It is in this period that the great roman churches of St. Peter, Santa Croce, and Lateran are built.
Marcus	336
Julius I	337-352	In 337 Constantine is baptized by the Arian bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia, and soon after he dies. The new Augusti are the three sons of Constantine, Constantinus, Constans, Constantius. Constantinus allows Athanasius to return to Alexandria. Constans kills Constantinus in 340; he will then be killed himself by Magnentius in 350, who will be defeated by Constantius in 351.	The Arians in Egypt (not happy with the restoration of Athanasius as bishop of Alexandria brought about by Constantinus) ask Julius to recognize their own bishop Pistus into communion with Rome. Athanasius' supporters also send envoys to Julius. The synod of Antioch in 341 renews the ban on Athanasius (sending the proceedings to both pope Julian and emperor Constans), who is sent again into exile. So Athanasius goes to Rome himself to see Julius, and the same does the also exiled Marcellus of Ancyra. Julian wanted to have a synod in Rome in 342 to discuss the issues, but the Arian bishops refused to participate. In the end Julius ruled in favor of Athanasius and Marcellus, and against the Arians (but Athanasius was not restored to his see until the death of his rival bishop George, in 346). The presence of Athanasius in Rome helped to spread knowledge in the city about monastic life.
Liberius	352-366	Julian (the so-called Apostate) succeeds Constantius in 361 and re-establishes pagan cults (stopped the persecution of pagans, and the destruction of pagan temples); according to Socrates Scholasticus he believed himself to be Alexander the Great in another body. In 363 he ordered the Jerusalem temple to be rebuilt (this did not work out very well, though, as Ammianus Marcellinus lets us know). Jovian succeeds him in 363 and re-establishes Christianity. Murdered a year later. In 364 Valentinian (west) and Valens (east) become Augusti.	The earliest pope (and the only one in this list) that did not become a saint. He had a hard time with the Arian emperor Constantius, and eventually was temporarily exiled to Thrace (with antipope Felix II settled in Rome), to be later restored, as Sulpicius Severus wrote in 403, ob seditiones Romanas. The controversial council of Rimini took place in 359, but Liberius did not take part in it. After Constantius' death (361) he cancelled the decrees of the council, and re-admitted into communion with Rome the more moderate among the Arians. This might have helped to create the impression that Liberius had fallen to the Arians (as it could seem from Hilary's Adversum Constantium, written in 360), although this is a debated point.
Damasus I	366-383	In 369 Valentinian names his son Gratian as Augustus. In 370 Valentinian writes an edict to pope Damasus prohibiting bishops, priests, monks, nuns, to frequent the houses of widows and virgins, and to receive gifts, legacies and inheritances from them. In 375 Valentinian dies and his other son Valentinian II becomes Augustus. Edict of Gratian for religious freedom in 378. Theodosius made Augustus in 378. Under the influence of Ambrose of Milan, Gratian prohibits pagan worship in Rome and removes the altar of Victory from the Roman senate-house in 382. Archadius son of Theodosius made Augustus in 383 (when Gratian dies).	The election of Damasus was supported by the followers of former antipope Felix II and was not without trouble (Valentinian I had to intervene to restore order). The figure of Damasus himself is not crystal clear, for example in matters of morality. Jerome was for a while his personal secretary, and it is in this period that the Vulgate gets written. In Rome, synods of 368 and 369, against Apollinarism and Macedonianism; Damasus excommunicated the Arian bishop of Milan Auxentius in 369-370. But when Basil of Caesarea asked Damasus to help him against Arianism, Damasus' support was not without doubts. Probably an important part of Damasus' role as bishop was to make Christianity socially acceptable for the upper classes (with some inherent ambiguity: for example, the pagan praefect Praetextatus is known to have said to Damasus, that if he could obtain the bishopric of Rome, he himself would immediately embrace Christianity). Linked to this and to the idea that the real glory of Rome was Christian and not pagan is possibly his well-known theological thought about the primacy of Rome. In 381, Council of Costantinople (called by Theodosius), whose 4 disciplinary canons discuss 1) condemnation of Arianism, Macedonianism and Apollinarianism; 2) limits upon bishop influence; 3) the invalidity of the consecration of Maximus (the rival of Gregory of Nazianzus) as bishop of Constantinople; and 4) the pre-eminence of the bishop of Constantinople over other bishops, but after the bishop of Rome. In 383, the then manichaen Augustine arrives in Rome.
Siricius	384-399	In 387 Maximus descends into Italy and Valentinian II flees; Maximus defeated by Theodosius in 388, Valentinian II comes back as the emperor of the West. In 389 Theodosius and his son Honorius enter in Rome. 390: the massacre by Theodosius at Thessalonica. In 391 paganism is forbidden. Eugenius made Augustus in 392 after the murder of Valentinian II. Also in 392, Jerome's De Viris Illustribus. In 394, Theodosius wins over Eugenius, and Honorius becomes emperor of the West. In 395 Theodosius dies: Archadius becomes emperor of the East.	The first pope for which we have documented decretals. In 390-392, synods in Rome (later confirmed by a synod of northern-italian bishops, to which Ambrose participated) condemn the monk Jovinian and bishop Bonosus (who said that after Jesus Mary had several other children and who was against Mary's virginity).
Anastasius I	399-401		Remembered chiefly for his condemnation of Origenism. A friend of Jerome, Augustine, and Paulinus of Nola.
Innocent I	401-417	The imperial court is transferred by Honorius to Ravenna in 404. The siege of Rome in 408 by Alaric and the Visigoths. Accession of the younger Theodosius in the East. Second siege of Rome in 409. Attalus made emperor. In 410, the sack of Rome by the Visigoths.	John Chrysostomus appeals to him against Theophilus of Alexandria. In 410, at the time of the sack of Rome by the Goths, he was in Ravenna visiting Honorius. In 417, council of Carthage against Pelagius (who was also vehemently opposed by Innocent).
Zosimus	417-418		In 417 the pelagian Coelestius appears before Zosimus; Coelestius plays his cards well and somewhat convinces Zosimus that he had been unjustly condemned in Carthage. Pelagius himself seems to convince Zosimus of his orthodoxy. But then, after in 418 the African bishops sent a letter to him and (perhaps more importantly) after the anti-pelagian steps of emperor Honorius, Zosimus declares Pelagius an heretic. Apparently he endowed some western bishops with special papal vicariate powers (later revoked by Boniface).
Boniface I	418-422		He continued the opposition to pelagianism. The circumstances of his election (with Galla Placidia asking Honorius to put an end to the debates about the succession, Honorius resetting elections and exiling both contenders) are worth reading.
Celestine I	422-432	Valentinian III becomes emperor of the West in 425.	Nestorius becomes bishop of Constantinople in 428. In 430, a synod in Rome presided by Celestine condemns Nestorius. In 431, Council of Ephesus, called by Theodosius II and presided by Cyril of Alexandria; it was also chiefly concerned with the condemnation of nestorianism. Celestine is known to have bitterly fought Pelagians and Novatians. He sent St. Patrick to Ireland.
Sixtus III	432-440		Accepting the decisions of the Council of Ephesus, he is known to have built Santa Maria Maggiore, dedicated to "Mary, the Mother of God", in connection with the ephesian title Theotokos.
Leo I	440-461	Huns ravage the Eastern Empire in c. 441. In 446, peace between Attila and the Eastern Empire. Attila dies in 453. Valentinian III dies in 455. Also in 455, sack of Rome by the Vandals.	There would be quite a lot to say about Leo. It was he who met Attila in 452 when he invaded Italy (and, traditionally, so impressed him that he withdrew). The doctrine of Petrine supremacy to its fullness. In 449, "Robber Council of Ephesus". In 451, Council of Chalcedon, repudiating the Eutychian doctrine of monophysitism.

Greek

Notes

21:3

• ενεβησαν, aor. ind. act. from εμβαινω, "I step in/enter".
• επιασαν, aor. ind. act. from πιαζω, "I catch".

21:4

• γινομενης, pres. part. dep. from γινομαι, "I come into being" (in this case). Genitive absolute.
  
• εστη, aor. ind. act. from ιστημι, "I stand".
• ηδεισαν, pluperf. ind. act. from ειδω, "I know".

21:5

• προσφαγιον, in genreal, something eaten in addition to bread; here, specifically, fish. Similar to οψαριον (v. 9).
  

21:6

• ελκυσαι, aor. infinitive act. from ελκυω, "I draw".
• ισχυον, impf. ind. act. from ισχυω, "I  am able".

21:7

• διεζωσατο, aor. ind. middle from διαζωννυμι, "I gird".

21:8

• συροντες, pres. part. act. from συρω, "I drag".

21:9

• απεβησαν, aor. ind. act. from αποβαινω, "I go out/disembark".
• κειμενην, pres. part. dep. from κειμαι, "I lay".

21:10

• ενεγκατε, aor. imperative act. from φερω, "I carry/bring".
• επιασατε, aor. ind. act. from πιαζω, "I catch".

21:11

• ανεβη, aor. ind. act. from αναβαινω, "I climb".

21:12

• αριστησατε, aor. imperative act. from αρισταω, "I have breakfast". δευτε is imperative of ειμι in the sense of "come".
• ετολμα, impf. ind. act. from τολμαω, "I am bold/dare".
• εξετασαι, aor. infinitive act. from εξεταζω, "I ask".
• ειδοτες, perf. part. act. from ειδω, "I see/perceive".

21:15

• βοσκε, pres. imperative act. from βοσκω, "I feed", associated to αρνιον, "lamb". The other verbs used here are ποιμαινε (ποιμαινω), "I feed/tend/rule", associated to προβατον, "sheep".

21:17

• ελυπηθη, aor. ind. pass. from λυπεω, "I grief".

21:18

• εζωννυες, imperfect ind. act. from ζωννυμι, "I gird". Imperfect also in the immediately following περιεπατεις and ηθελες. Later on we have the fut. ζωσει.
  
• εκτενεις, fut. ind. act. from εκτεινω, "I stretch forth".
• οισει, fut. ind. act. from φερω, "I bring".

21:20

• επιστραφεις, aor. part. pass. επιστρεφω, "I turn around".
• ανεπεσεν, aor. ind. act. from αναπιπτω, "I lean back". δειπνον is "dinner", and στηθος is "chest".

21:25

• γραφηται, pres. subj. pass. from γραφω, "I write".
• οιμαι, pres. ind. dep., "I think/suppose".
• χωρησαι, aor. infinitive act. from χωρεω, "I contain/receive".
• γραφομενα, pres. part. pass. from γραφω, "I write".

My translation

¹After these things, Jesus manifested himself to the disciples at the See of Tiberias. And he manifested [himself] in this way:
²Simon Peter, Thomas called Didimus, Nathanael coming from Cana of Galilee, the son of Zebedee and two others of the disciples were together.
³Simon Peter says to them, I go out fishing. They reply [say to him], We too come with you. They go out and enter into the boat, but that night they caught nothing.
⁴When it was already becoming morning, Jesus stood on the shore; still the disciples did not know that it was [is] Jesus.
⁵Jesus then tells them, Children, Don't you have any fish? They replied to him, None.
⁶He said then to them, Throw the net to the right side of the boat, and you will find. So they threw [the net], and now they were not able to draw it because of the large number of fish.
⁷So that disciple, the one whom Jesus was loving, says to Peter: It is the Lord! Then Simon Peter, having heard that it is the Lord, girds his fisher's coat around him, because he was naked, and throws himself into the sea.
⁸The other disciples came into the little boat: they indeed were not far from the land, but about two hundred cubits off, dragging the net of the fish.
⁹As soon as they disembarked to the land, they see a fire of coals laying [there], with fish layed on, and bread.
¹⁰Jesus says to them, bring some of the fish that you just caught.
¹¹So Simon Peter went up [aboard] and dragged the net full of large fish to the land, one hundred fifty three of them; but even if there were so many, the net was not broken [lit. split].
¹²Jesus says to him, Come, and have breakfast! And none of the disciples was daring to ask him, Who are you? They had understood that he is [was] the Lord.
¹³Jesus comes, takes the bread and gives it to them; and the same [he does] with the fish.
¹⁴This was now the third time that Jesus was manifested to the disciples, after he was risen from the dead.
¹⁵And after they finished to have breakfast, Jesus says to Simon Peter, Simon of John, do you love me more than these? He says to him, Yes, Lord, you know that I love you. Jesus says to him, Feed my lambs.
¹⁶Again for a second time he says to him, Simon of John, do you love me? He says to him, Yes, Lord, you know that I love you. Jesus says to him, Tend my sheep.
¹⁷For a third time he says to him, Simon of John, do you love me? Peter was afflicted, because Jesus said to him for the third time, Do you love me? And says to him, Lord, you know all things, you are sure that I love you. Jesus says to him, Feed my sheep.
¹⁸Amen, Amen, I say to you: when you were young, you were girding yourself, and you were going wherever you liked. But when old, you shall stretch out your hand, and another shall gird you, and he shall bring you where you don't like [to go].
¹⁹This Jesus said to signify of which kind of death Peter will have glorified [lit. will glorify] God. And having said this, he says to him, Follow me.
²⁰Having turned around, Peter sees the disciple that Jesus was loving following [them], the one who at the dinner had leaned back on Jesus' chest, and who had said, Lord, who is the man who shall betray you?
²¹Seen him, Peter then says to Jesus, Lord, and what about him?
²²Jesus says to him, If I wish that he remains until I come, what is that to you? You, follow me.
²³Between the brothers so came out the saying that that disciple should not die. But Jesus did not say to him that he should not die, but "If I wish that he remains until I come, what is that to you?"
²⁴This is the disciple who is testifying to these things, and who wrote them, and we know that his testimony is true.
²⁵There are indeed many other things that Jesus did, that if they each one of them should be written, I think that not even the world itself could contain the books that would be written.

Greek

Notes

20:1

• τῃ δε μιᾷ τῶν σαββατων,  locative dative of time; in this case a preposition is not necessary, e.g. ημερᾳ, in the daytime (note by the way that in this verse the word ημερα is omitted, and that σαββατον is also the week).
• σκοιτας ετι ουσης, genitive absolute.
• ηρμενον, perfect part. pass. from αιρω, "I lift up".

20:3

• ηρχοντο, impf. ind. act. from ερχομαι, "I come/go". Note the frequent use of the impf. tense in these verses. (e.g. ετρεχον, next verse.)

20:7

• εντετυλιγμενον, perf. part. pass. from εντυλισσω, "I wrap in".

20:8

• επιστευσεν, cf. Dante, Par. XXIV, 124-126: "O santo padre, e spirito che vedi / cio' che credesti si', che tu vincesti / ver' lo sepulcro piu' giovani piedi".

20:9

• ηδεισαν, pluperfect ind. act. from ειδω, "I know". (or "understand", as I translate in this case)

20:11

• ειστηκει, pluperfect ind. act. from ιστημι, "I stand still".

20:14

• ειπουσα, aor. part. act. from επω, "I speak/say".
• εστραφη, aor. ind. pass. from στρεφω, "I turn".
• εστωτα, perf. part. act. from ιστημι, "I stand".
• ηδει, pluperfect ind. act. from ειδω, "I know".

20:15

• αρω, fut. ind. act. from αιρω, "I lift".

20:16

• στραφεισα, aor. part. pass. from στρεφω, "I turn".

20:17

• απτου, pres. imperative middle from απτομαι, "I attach myself to/I cling to/I touch". The present imperative here is interesting: a prohibition of a continuing (e.g. Mary already clinging to Jesus) or habitual (e.g. Mary normally attached to Jesus) action. Cmp with aorist imperative, used for single, definite actions.
  
• αναβεβηκα, perf. ind. act. from αναβαινω, "I climb/ascend".
• πορευου, pres. imperative dep. form πορευομαι, "I go".

20:18

• εωρακα, perf. ind. act. from οραω, "I see".

20:19

• ουσης, pres. part. act. from ειμι (ων, ουσα, ον). Genitive absolute. οψιος is "evening".
• κεκλεισμενων, perf. part. pass. from κλειω, "I shut up".

20:20

• εδειξεν, aor. ind. act. from δεικνυω, "I show".
• εχαρησαν, aor. ind. passive deponent from χαιρω, "I rejoice".

20:21

• απεσταλκεν, perf. ind. act. from αποστελλω, "I send".

20:22

• αφητε, aor. subj. act. from αφιημι, "I remit". Then αφεωνται, perfect ind. pass.
• κρατητε, pres. subj. act. from κρατεω, "I retain". Then κεκρατηνται, perfect ind. pass.

20:26

• εσω, "inside".

20:29

• πεπιστευκας, perf. ind. act. from πιστευω, "I believe". εωρακας is also a perf. Contrast with the part. aorists used in ιδοντες and πιστευσαντες.

My translation

¹Now, in the first day of the week, Mary of Magdala comes to the tomb early in the morning, when it was still dark, and sees that the stone had been removed.
²She runs then, and comes to Simon Peter and to the other disciple, the one being loved by Jesus, and tells them, They took away the Lord from the tomb, and we do not know where they put him.
³So Peter and the other disciple went out, and they were coming to the tomb.
⁴The two were running together, but the other disciple ran faster than Peter, and came first to the tomb
⁵and, having stooped down, sees the linen cloths lying; but he did not enter [into the tomb].
⁶Following him, Simon Peter then also comes, and entered into the tomb. And he sees the cloths lying,
⁷and the sudarium, that [was] had been put on Jesus' head, not with the cloths, but wrapped separately in a place.
⁸At that time then also the other disciple, the one who came first, entered into the tomb, and saw, and believed.
⁹In fact, they still had not understood the scripture [saying] that he must rise from the dead.
¹⁰So the disciples went back again to their houses.
¹¹Maria instead had stayed at the tomb, crying. And as she was crying, she stooped down into the tomb,
¹²and sees two angels in white, sitting down, one at the head, and the other at the feet, where the body of Jesus had been lying.
¹³They say to her, Woman, why do you cry? She says, They took away my Lord, and I do not know where they put him.
¹⁴And, said these things, she turned back, and sees Jesus who was standing there; but she did not know that it was Jesus.
¹⁵Jesus says to her, Woman, why do you cry? Whom do you seek? She, supposing he was the gardener, says to him, Sir, if you carried him, tell me where you put him, and I shall take him.
¹⁶Jesus says to her, Mary! She, having turned back, says to him in Hebrew, Rabbouni! (which is to say, Teacher)
¹⁷Jesus says to her, Do not cling to me!, because still I have not ascended to the Father. Go instead to my brothers, and tell them, I ascend to my Father and your Father, to my God and your God.
¹⁸Mary of Magdala goes, announcing to the disciples, "I have seen the Lord!", and the things he said to her.
¹⁹When it was evening, in that first day of the week, and when the doors [of the place] where the disciples were had been closed out of fear for the Jews, Jesus came, stood in the middle, and says to them: Peace to you!
²⁰Having said so, he showed [them] his hands and his side. When they saw the Lord, the disciples rejoiced.
²¹So again said Jesus to them, Peace to you! As the Father has sent me, so also I send you.
²²And after he had said these things, he breathed, and says to them, Receive the Holy Ghost.
²³If you remit sins to someone, they will be remitted. If you retain [them], they will be retained.
²⁴Now Thomas, one of the twelve, the one called Didimus, was not with them when Jesus came.
²⁵The other disciples were then telling him, We have seen the Lord! He said to them, If I do not see on his hands the form of the nails, and if I do not put my finger into the form of the nails, and if I do not put my hand into his side, I shall not believe.
²⁶And after eight days again the disciples were inside, and Thomas was with them. When the doors had been closed, Jesus comes, and stood in the middle, and said, Peace to you!
²⁷He says then to Thomas, Bring [put] here your finger, look at my hands, and bring your hand into my side; and do not be unbeliever, but a believer!
²⁸Thomas answered to him and said, My Lord, and my God!
²⁹Jesus says to him, Have you believed because you have seen me? Blessed those who, not having seen, still believed.
³⁰Now, many other signs did Jesus in the presence of his disciples, that have not been written into this book.
³¹These have been written so that you believe that Jesus is the Christ, the son of God, and so that [by] believing you have life in his name.

Greek

Notes

19:17

• βασταζων, pres. part. act. from βασταζω, "I bear". Followed by εαυτῷ, i.e. "bearing for himself" the cross.

19:19

• εθηκεν, aor. ind. act. from τιθημι, "I put".

19:20

• ανεγνωσαν, aor. ind. act. from αναγινωσκω, "I read".
• εγγυς, close by (+ G).

19:23

• υφαντος, "woven", from υφαινω, "I weave".

19:24

• λαχωμεν, aor. subj. act. from λαγχανω, "I cast lots". Volitive subjunctive.
• διεμερισαντο, aor. ind. act. from διαμεριζω, "I divide".
• κληρον, from κλῆρος, "lot, inheritance, part".

19:25

• ειστηκεισαν, pluperfect ind. act. from ιστημι, "I stand still".

19:26

• ιδων, aor. part. act. from ειδω, "I see".
• παρεστωτα, perf. part. act. from παριστημι, "I stand before".
• ηγαπα, impf. ind. act. from αγαπαω, "I love". Note the impf.

19:28

• ειδως, perf. part. act. from ειδω, "I know".
• τετελεσται, perf. ind. pass. from τελεω, "I finish".

19:29

• εκειτο, impf. ind. dep. from κειμαι, "I am laid up".
• υσσωπῳ, it does not seem very practical. A couple of manuscripts read instead υσσῳ, "a javelin".
• περιθεντες, aor. part. act. from περιτιθημι, "I place around".

19:33

• τεθνηκοτα, perf. part. act. from θνησκω, "Ι die".

19:35

• εωρακως, perf. part. act. from οραω, "I see".
• οιδεν, perf. ind. act. from ειδω, "I know".
• πιστευσητε, aor. subj. act. from πιστευω, "I believe". Or πιστευητε, which would be pres. subj.

19:36

• συντριβησεται, future ind. pass. from συντριβω, "I break in pieces".

19:37

• εξεκεντησαν, aor. ind. act. from εκκεντεω, "I pierce".

19:38

• κεκρυμμενος, perf. part. pass. from κρυπτω, "I keep secret".
• επετρεψεν, aor. ind. act. from επιτρεπω, "I permit".
• ηρεν, aor. ind. act. from αιρω, "I take away".

19:40

• εδησαν, aor. ind. act. from δεω, "I bind".

19:41

• τεθειμενος, perf. part. pass. from τιθημι, "I put".

19:42

• εθηκαν, aor. ind. act. from τιθημι, "I put".

My translation

¹⁷And bearing the cross for himself, he went out to the place called of the skull, which in Hebrew is named Golgotha,
¹⁸where they crucified him, and with him two others on both sides, and Jesus in the middle.
¹⁹Pilate then wrote an inscription, and put it on the cross. There it was written, Jesus of Nazareth, the king of the Jews.
²⁰So several of the Jews read this inscription, because the place where Jesus was crucified was close to the city. It was written in Hebrew, in Latin, and in Greek.
²¹The high priests of the Jews therefore were saying to Pilate, Do not write "The king of the Jews", but that he said, "I am a king of the Jews".
²²Pilate answered, What I have written, I have written.
²³Then the soldiers that crucified Jesus took his clothes and made four pieces, to every soldier a piece, and also the tunic. The tunic was without seam, woven from the top throughout.
²⁴They said to themselves, Do not split it, but let us cast lots, [to see] of whom it will be. So that it was fulfilled the writing [saying], They have divided my clothes among themselves, and over my clothes they threw lots. So these things did the soldiers.
²⁵The mother of Jesus, her sister, Mary of Cleophas, and Mary of Magdala were staying by his cross.
²⁶Having seen his mother and the disciple whom he was loving standing by, he says to the mother, Woman, here is your son.
²⁷Then he says to the disciple, Here is your mother. And from that moment the disciple took her into his own things [home].
²⁸After this Jesus, known that everything was now finished, says, so that the scripture might be fulfilled, I thirst.
²⁹A jar full of vinegar was set there. So they put a sponge full of vinegar on a hyssop and brought it around his mouth.
³⁰As soon as he received the vinegar, Jesus said, It is accomplished. And having reclined his head, he gave up his spirit.
³¹The Jews then, since it was the [day of the] preparation, so that the bodies might not remain on the cross during the Sabbath (in fact, that Sabbath was a great day), asked Pilate that the legs might be broken and that they might be taken away.
³²So the soldiers went, and broke the legs of the first, and [then] of the other that had been crucified with him.
³³But having come to Jesus, as soon as they saw that he had died already, they did not broke his legs,
³⁴and one of the soldiers instead with a spear pierced his side, and immediately blood and water came out.
³⁵And the one who has seen testifies, and his testimony is true, and he knows that he tells the truth, so that you might believe.
³⁶These things then took place in order that the scripture [saying], Not a bone will be broken to him, might be fulfilled.
³⁷And again another scripture says, They shall look to the one whom they pierced.
³⁸After this, Joseph of Arimatea, one of Jesus' disciples, but who had remained hidden out of fear of the Jews, asked Pilate to take away the body of Jesus. And Pilate permitted that. So he went and took it away.
³⁹Nicodemus also came, the one who at first went to Jesus at night, bringing a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about a hundred pounds.
⁴⁰They took then to body of Jesus and bound it in linen cloths with spices, according to the burial custom of the Jews.
⁴¹In the place where he was crucified there was a garden, and in the garden a new tomb, into which never before had anyone been put.
⁴²So, since the tomb was nearby, they put Jesus there, because of the day of the preparation of the Jews.

Greek

Notes

18:30

• ει μη ην ουτος κακον ποιων: conditional of the second class (impf ind), assumed to be untrue.

18:31

• εξεστιν, third person sing. pres. ind. impersonal, "it is right/lawful".

18:32

• ημελλεν, impf. ind. act. from μελλω, "I am about to be" (in the sense of necessity).

18:35

• μητι εγω Ιουδαιος ειμι, note the vehement negation implied. μητι expects a negative answer.
  

18:36

• ηγωνιζοντο, impf. ind. dep. from αγωνιζομαι, "I fight". I translate as progressive imperfect, they would now be fighting.
• παραδοθω, aor. subj. pass. from παραδιδωμι, "I deliver".

18:37

• ων, pres. part. from ειμι, "I am".

18:39

• συνηθεια, "custom, habit".
• βουλεσθε, pres. ind. middle from βουλομαι, "I am disposed/will".

19:2

• πλεξαντες, aor. part. act. from πλεκω, "I twine".
• επεθηκαν, aor. ind. act. from επιτιθημι, "I put on".

19:3

• ηρχοντο, impf. ind. dep. from ερχομαι, "I come". Note the progressive impf. throughout this verse.

19:5

• φορων, pres. part. act. from φορεω, "I wear". Note: not φερων (bringing).

19:12

• εζητει, impf. ind. act. from ζητεω, "I seek". Note the impf.

19:15

• αρον, aor. imper. act. from αιρω, "I lift (in this case: take away)".

My translation

^18:28So they lead Jesus from the house of Caiphas into the Praetorium. It was early morning. And they (the Jews) did not enter into the Praetorium, in order not to be contaminated, but (so that they might) to eat Passover.
²⁹Pilate then came out toward them, and said: Which allegations do you bring [against this man]?
³⁰They answered and said to him: If this man were not an evil-doer, we would have not delivered him to you.
³¹Pilatus said then to them: You take him, and judge him according to your law. The Jews said to him: It is not lawful for us to kill anyone.
³²So that the word of Jesus that he spoke, indicating by which death he had to die, would be fulfilled.
³³Again then Pilatus entered into the Praetorium, called Jesus and told him: You, are you the king of the Jews?
³⁴Jesus answered: Do you say this of yourself, or others have told you this about me?
³⁵Pilatus answered: Am I perhaps a Jew? Your people and the high priests delivered you to me. What have you done?
³⁶Answered Jesus: my kingdom is not of this world. If my kingdom were of this word, my servants would be fighting, so that I were not delivered to the Jews. But my kingdom is not from this world.
³⁷Pilatus said then to him: So then, are you a king? Jesus answered, You yourself say that I am a king. I for this reason have been born, and for this I have come into the world, so that I could testify to the truth. All those who are from (of) the truth listen to my voice.
³⁸Pilatus says to him: What is truth? And said these things he once more went out to the Jews, and says to him: I do not find any fault in him.
³⁹There is a custom among you, that I set free one man to you at the Passover. Do you then want that I set free for you the king of the Jews?
⁴⁰They again shouted aloud saying, Not him, but Barabbas. Now, Barabbas was a robber.
^19:1At that time then Pilatus took Jesus and flogged him.
²And the soldiers, having intertwined a crown of thorns, put it on his head, put on him with a purple robe,
³and were coming to him saying, Hail, king of the Jews. And they continuously slapped him.
⁴Again Pilatus came out, and he says to them: See, I bring out this man to you, so that you know that I do not find a fault on him.
⁵So Jesus came out, wearing the thorny crown and the purple robe. And says to them: Here is the man.
⁶As soon as they saw him, the high priests and the officers cried out saying, Crucify, Crucify. Pilatus says to them, Take him among yourselves and crucify him, because I do not find in him any fault.
⁷The Jews answered to him, We have a law, and according to the law he should die, because he made himself son of God.
⁸When Pilatus heard this statement, he became even more afraid,
⁹and once again he entered into the Praetorium and says to Jesus, Whence are you? But Jesus did not give him an answer.
¹⁰Says to him Pilatus: Do you not speak to me? Do you not know that I have power to free you, and power to crucify you?
¹¹Jesus answered, You do not have any power against me but the power that was given to you from above. For this the one who delivered me to you has a greater sin.
¹²From this point on Pilatus kept on trying to free him. But the Jews cried out saying, If you set this man free, you are not a friend of Caesar. All those who make themselves king speak against Caesar.
¹³Having heard these words, Pilatus led out Jesus, and sat down on the judgement seat, in the place called The Pavement, in the Hebrew language Gabbatha.
¹⁴It was the [time of the] preparation of Passover, about the sixth hour. And he says to the Jews, Behold, your king.
¹⁵They cried out, Take away, take away, crucify! Says to them Pilatus, Will I crucify your king? The high priests cried out, We do not have a king, if not Caesar.
¹⁶At that time he gave Jesus to them, so that he could be crucified. So they took Jesus.

Greek

Notes

18:2

• ηδει, pluperfect ind. act. from ειδω, "I know".
• παραδιδους, pres. part. act. from παραδιδωμι, "I betray". I translate here willingly literally as a present participle, Judah is betraying Jesus in this very moment.

18:3

• την σπειραν, ..., υπηρετας: σπειρα is normally a "cohort", or band of soldiers. Probably part of those who were stationing in the Antonia fortress. For what regards υπηρετης, it is probably the temple guard.

18:4

• ειδως, perf. part. act. from ειδω, "I know".

18:5

• ειστηκει, pluperf. act. ind. from ιστημι, "I stand still".

18:6

• απηλθον, aor. ind. dep. from απερχομαι, "I go back/aside".
• επεσαν, aor. ind. act. from πιπτω, "I fell".

18:10

• εχων, pres. part. act. from εχω, "I have".

18:11

• ου μη, not very common in questions, in the NT only here and at Lk 18:7. Emphatic use.

18:12

• εδησαν, aor. ind. act. from δεω, "I tie, bind".

18:15

• ηκολουθει, impf. ind. act. from ακολουθεω, "I follow".
• συνεισηλθεν, aor. ind. act. from συνεισερχομαι, "I enter into [a place] with [somebody]".

18:16

• ειστηκει, pluperf. ind. act. from ιστημι, "I stand still".
  

18:17

• θυρωρος: note that it is a woman, so the αυλη where they entered cannot have been the temple (hence, I translate as the palace of Caiphas).
• μη, normally used to introduce a question expecting a negative answer. Perhaps hesitant assertion here.

18:18

• ειστηκεισαν, pluperf. ind. act. from ιστημι, "I stand still".
• πεποιηκοτες, perf. part. act. from ποιεω, "I make".
• εθερμαινοντο, imp. ind. act. from θερμαινω, "I warm myself".
• εστως, perf. part. act. from ιστημι, "I stand still".
• εθερμαινομενος, pres. part. middle from θερμαινω, "I warm myself".

18:21

• ακεκοοτας, perf. part. act. from ακουω, "I hear".
• ιδε, imp. aor. act. from ειδω, "I know".

18:22

• ειποντος, aor. part. act. from ειπων, "I say". Genitive absolute.
• παρεστηκως, perf. part. act. from παριστημι, "I assist".

18:23

• δερεις, pres. ind. act. from δερω, "I beat".

18:24

• δεδεμενον, perf. part. act. from δεω, "I bind".

18:27

• ηρνησατο, aor. ind. dep. from αρνεομαι, "I deny".

My translation

¹When Jesus had spoken these words, he went out together with his disciples beyond the brook Kidron (of the Cedars) where there was a garden, into which he himself and his disciples went.
²Also Judah, who is betrying Jesus, knew the place, because many times Jesus and his disciples assembled there.
³So Judah, taken a [lit: the] band, some servants from the high priests and the Pharisees, goes there with lanterns, torches and weapons.
⁴But Jesus knew all the things that were happening to him; he went out and said to them, Whom do you seek?
⁵They answered him, Jesus the Nazarene. He says to them, I am he. Judah, who is betraying [Jesus], was also standing with them.
⁶As soon as he had said to them, I am he, they stepped back and fell prostrate.
⁷So again Jesus asked them, Whom do you seek? They said, Jesus the Nazarene.
⁸Answered Jesus, I told you that I am he; so, if you are looking for me, let these people go away.
⁹In this way it was accomplished the word that says, I lost nobody of those whom you gave me.
¹⁰Simon Peter then, who had a sword, took it out, struck the servant of the high priest and cut his [lit. the] right ear. The servant had name Malchos.
¹¹Jesus then said to Peter, Put your sword into the sheath: the cup that the Father has given to me, should not I drink it?
¹²The band of soldiers, the commander and the officers of the Jews took Jesus with them and bound him,
¹³and led him first of all to Annas: for he was father in law of Caiphas, who was high priest that year.
¹⁴Caiphas was the man who had given counsel to the Jews that it was better that one man would die instead of the people.
¹⁵Simon Peter and another disciple were following Jesus. That disciple was known to the high priest and went in together with Jesus into his palace.
¹⁶Peter instead stood outside by the door. So the other disciple, the one known by the high priest, came and talked to the door-keeper, and led Peter inside.
¹⁷Then the woman at the door says to Peter, You are not one of the disciples of this man, are you? Peter says, "I am not".
¹⁸Now the servants and the officers were staying still; they had made a fire of coals because it was cold and they were warming themselves. Peter was also standing with them and was warming himself.
¹⁹The high priest then asked Jesus about his disciples and about his teachings.
²⁰Jesus answered him: I have spoken openly to the world; I always taught in the synagogue and in the temple where all the Jews come; and I did not say anything in secret.
²¹Why do you ask me? Ask those who heard, what I spoke to them. They know what I said.
²²When Jesus had said these things, one of the officers standing there gave a slap to him and then said, In this way do you answer to the high priest?
²³Jesus replied to him: If I spoke anything bad, testify to it; but if I spoke good things, why do you beat me?
²⁴Annas then sent him bound to the high priest Caiphas.
²⁵Simon Peter was standing and warming himself. They said to him: Are not you one of the disciples of this man? He replied and said: I am not.
²⁶One of the servants of the high priest, a relative of the one to whom Peter had cut his ear, says: Have I not seen you in the garden with this man?
²⁷Again then Peter denied; and immediately the cock crew.

Greek

Notes

10:32

• τα μελλοντα, pres. part. act. from μελλω, "I am about to".
• συμβαινειν, pres. inf. act. from συμβαινω, "I happen".

10:34

• εμπαιξουσιν, fut. ind. act. from εμπαιζω, "I mock".
• εμπτυσουσιν, fut. ind. act. from εμπτυω, "I spit".
• μαστιγωσουσιν, fut. ind. act. from μαστιγοω, "I flog".

10:35

• προσπορευονται, pres. ind. dep. from προσπορεουμαι, "I go before".

10:38

• οιδατε, perf. ind. act. from ειδω, "I know".
• αιτεισθε, pres. ind. middle from αιτεω, "I ask".

10:39

• πιεσθε, fut. ind. middle from πινω, "I drink".

10:40

• δουναι, aor. inf. act. from διδωμι, "I give".
• ητοιμασται, perf. ind. pass. from ετοιμαζω, "I prepare".

10:41

• αγανακτειν, pres. inf. act. from αγανακτεω, "I am greatly afflicted/indignant".

10:42

• οιδατε, perf. ind. act. from ειδω, "I know".
• κατακυριεουσιν, pres. inf. act. from κατακυριευω, "I control, subjugate".

10:46

• εκπορευομενου, pres. part. dep. from εκπορευομαι, "I depart".
• εκαθητο, impf. ind. dep. from καθημαι, "I sit down".

10:48

• επετιμων, impf. ind. act. from επιτιμαω, "I charge/forbid".
• σιωπηση, aor. subj. act. from σιωπαω, "I am silent/calm".

10:49

• θαρσει, pres. imp. act. from θαρσεω, "I have courage".

10:50

• αναπηδησας, aor. part. act. from ανιστημι, "I stand up".

10:52

• σεσωκεν, perf. ind. act. from σωζω, "I save".
• ηκολουθει, impf. ind. act. from ακολουθεω, "I follow". Note the imperfect tense.

My translation

³²They were then climbling to Jerusalem and Jesus was preceding them. They were astonished; and those who were following were afraid. Jesus then took again the twelve and began to tell them the things that should happen to him,
³³saying, Look, we climb to Jerusalem, and the son of man will be given to the high priests and to the scribes, and they will condemn him to death and give him to the Gentiles,
³⁴they will mock him, spit on him, they will flog and kill him, and after three days he will rise up.
³⁵James and John, the sons of Zebedee, then come before him, saying, Master, we wish that what we ask you, you should do for us.
³⁶Jesus said to them, What do you desire that I do to you?
³⁷They replied, Grant us that we sit one to your right, and one to your left in your glory.
³⁸Jesus then said to them, You do not know what yourselves are asking. Are you able to drink the cup that I drink, or be baptized with the baptism that I am baptized?
³⁹They say to him, We are able. And Jesus said, The cup that I drink, you will yourselves drink, and you will be baptized with the baptism with which I am baptized.
⁴⁰But to sit to my right or left is not mine to give; but [it is for] those to whom has been prepared.
⁴¹And when the ten heard this, they began to become very indignant toward James and John.
⁴²But Jesus called them and said, You know that those who seem to rule over the Gentiles subjugate them; and the great among them have authority over them.
⁴³But for you it is not [to be] in this way: if one wishes to become great among you, he will be to you servant.
⁴⁴And if one wishes to be first among you, he will be slave of all.
⁴⁵In fact the son of man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give his spirit as a ransom for many.
⁴⁶They come then into Jericho. And as he was leaving Jericho with his disciples and a great crowd, the son of Timaeus, Bartimaeus, a blind beggar, was sitting on the road.
⁴⁷Having heard that there was Jesus the Nazarene, he started to cry aloud and to say, Son of David, Jesus, have mercy on me!
⁴⁸And many charged him to be silent; but he cried more, Son of David, have mercy on me!
⁴⁹Jesus then stood still and said to call the man; they call then the man, telling him, Have courage, rise, he is calling you.
⁵⁰And he threw away his clothes, stood up and then went to Jesus.
⁵¹Jesus began to speak to him saying, What do you desire that I do to you? The blind man told him, Rabbuni, that I recover sight.
⁵²And Jesus said to him, Go, you faith has saved you. And at once he regained his sight, and started to follow Jesus in the way.

Greek

Notes

10:17

• εκπορευομενου, pres. part. dep. from εκπορευομαι, "I go, proceed". Genitive absolute (lat. cum egressus esset).
• προσδραμων, aor. part. act. from προστρεχω, "I run".
• ποιησω, aor. subj. act. from ποιεω, "I make". Subj. because of the question in which the speaker deliberates over something (deliberative subjunctive).
• κληρονομησω, aor. subj. act. from κληρονομεω, "I obtain, inherit".

10:19

• οιδας, perfect ind. act. from ειδω, "I know". Perfect in form, but present in meaning.
• φονευσης, aor. subj. act. from φονευω, "I kill". Cohortative subjunctive like the rest of the subj. in this verse.
  
• μοιχευσης, aor. subj. act. from μοιχευω, "I commit adultery".
• αποστερησης, aor. subj. act. from αποστερεω, "I deprive, defraud".

10:20

• εφυλαξαμην, aor. ind. middle from φυλασσω, "I observe, watch, be on guard".

10:21

• οσα, neuter from οσος, "whatever".
• πωλησον, aor. imp. act. from πωλεω, "I sell".
• δος, aor. imp. act. from διδωμι, "I give".
• δευρο, "come!"

10:22

• στυγνασας, aor. part. act. from στυγναζω, "I am sad".
• λυπουμενος, pres. part. pass. from λυπεω, "I am sorry".

10:24

• εθαμβουντο, impf. ind. pass. from θαμβεω, "I amaze, astonish".
• τεκνα, voc. plur. neuter from τεκνον, "child". Only here the twelve are addressed in this way.

10:26

• εξεπλησσοντο, impf. ind. pass. from εκπλησσω, "I amaze, astonish".

10:28

• αφηκαμεν, aor. ind. act. from αφιημι, "I leave".
• ηκολουθηκαμεν, perf. ind. act. from ακολουθεω, "I follow".

My translation

¹⁷And when he was proceeding on the way, a man ran, and kneeled he was asking Jesus: Good master, what am I to do to inherit eternal life?
¹⁸Jesus then said to him, Why do you call me "good"? Nobody is good except one, God.
¹⁹You know the commandments: you should not kill, not commit adultery, not steal, not bear false witness, not defraud, honor your father and mother.
²⁰The man said to Jesus, Master, all these things I myself observed from my youth.
²¹Jesus then looked on him, loved him and said: one thing you are lacking: go, sell whatever you have, give it to the poor, and you shall have a treasure in heaven; then come, and follow me.
²²Sad for these words, the man went away sorrowful, because he had great possessions.
²³Jesus looked around and said to his disciples, How hardly will those who have riches enter into the kingdom of God!
²⁴The disciples were then astonished by his words. And again Jesus answered saying to them, Children, how hard it is to enter into the kingdom of God!
²⁵It is easier for a camel to pass through a needle's eye than it is for a rich man to enter into the kindgdom of God.
²⁶They were then exceedingly amazed, saying among themselves, Who can be saved then?
²⁷Looking upon them, Jesus said, With men it is impossible, but not with God: everything indeed is possible with God.
²⁸Peter began to say to him, See, we left everything, and have followed you.
²⁹Jesus said: Amen, I tell you, there is nobody who left house, brothers, sisters, mother, father, children and fields because of me and because of the gospel,
³⁰and who will not receive hundred times now, in this time, house, brothers, sisters, mothers, children and fields, with persecutions; and in the world to come, eternal life.
³¹Many in fact who are first will be last, and the last, first.

Greek

Notes

10:1

• ειωθει, pluperfect ind. act. from ειωθα, "I am accustomed". The meaning is in the imperfect.

10:4

• επετρεψεν, aor. ind. act. from επιτρεπω, "I allow/permit".

10:9

• συνεζευξεν, aor. ind. act. from συζευγνυμι, "I join".
• χωριζετω, pres. imperative act. from χωριζω, "I separate".

10:11

• μοιχαται, present ind. middle from μοιχαω, "I commit adultery".

10:13

• αψηται, aor. ind. middle from απτομαι, "I touch".

10:14

• ηγανακτησεν, aor. ind. act. from αγανακτεω, "I am greatly afflicted/indignant".

10:15

• δεξηται, aor. subj. dep. from δεχομαι, "I receive".

10:16

• εναγκαλισαμενος, aor. part. dep. from εναγκαλιζομαι, "I embrace, take in my arms". Cf. 9:36, only Mark uses this verb.
• κατευλογει, impf. ind. act. from κατευλογεω, "I bless". The imperfect can be translated here as iterative, "repeatedly blessed". Note that the compound κατευλογεω appears only here in the NT, and should be understood as stronger than the simple ευλογεω.
  
• τιθεις, present part. act. from τιθημι, "I place".

My translation

¹He arose [arises] from that place, and comes to the regions of Judea, [and] beyond the Jordan river; again a crowd assembles near him. And once more, as he was used to, he started to teach them.
²Some Pharisees came, and to test him they were asking him if it is permitted to a man to divorce a woman.
³He answered them, What did Moses command to you?
⁴They said, Moses allowed to write a bill of divorce and to release her.
⁵But Jesus said to them, This commandment was written for you because of your hardness of heart.
⁶But from the origin of creation God made them male and female.
⁷Because of this, a man shall leave his father and his mother, and he shall be joined to his woman,
⁸and from two they shall become one flesh; so therefore "no longer you are two, but one flesh".
⁹Accordingly, let man not separate that, which God put together.
¹⁰And in the house the disciples again questioned him about this.
¹¹He says to them, Whoever wishes to depart from his wife, and marry another woman: he commits adultery upon her.
¹²And if a woman leaves her husband and marries another man, she commits adultery.
¹³And they were bringing him some children, so that they touched him. But the disciples rebuked them.
¹⁴Jesus, having seen this, was indignant and told them, Let the children come to me, do not rebuke them: in fact, to people like them belongs the kingdom of God.
¹⁵Amen, I tell you, if one does not receive the kingdom of God like a child, he surely will not enter into it!
¹⁶And after he embraced them, he repeatedly blessed them, laying his hands upon them.

We are a little more than a week away from the NT Greek exam (May 4).

I have now read and translated the set texts (Mark 8-10, John 18-21) several times - I will post my remaining notes here soon. For the curious, I used the NA26 text (and WH w/ Strong) with e-sword when at the computer, and Merk Editio Decima as paper copy. It is now time for a quick review of grammar and vocabulary.

There would then be the big issue of translation itself (traduttore, traditore). As my notes clearly show, I will probably adopt an overly literal style. The problem in my case is that, this being a sort of NT Greek 101 course (although a 101 course has probably less material), you don't know what the examiners really want to see, so I'll try to render the text quite literally (trying not to fall into writing meaningless or just plain wrong English - and hopefully without big misunderstandings of the Greek text itself).

At any rate, I should definitely remember some of the concluding statements of the document "L'interpretazione della Bibbia nella Chiesa", issued by the Catholic Pontifical Biblical Commission in 1993 (a reading I certainly recommend; Italian and German editions are available online; there is also an Introduction, in Italian only, written by the then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger):

I fondamentalisti, pretendendo di ridurre gli esegeti al ruolo di traduttori (ignorando che tradurre la Bibbia significa già fare opera di esegesi) e rifiutando di seguirli più avanti nei loro studi, si rendono conto che, per un’encomiabile preoccupazione di piena fedeltà alla Parola di Dio, si incamminano in realtà su strade che li allontanano dal senso esatto dei testi biblici, come anche dalla piena accettazione delle conseguenze dell’Incarnazione.

This phrase gives some sense to the NT Greek course itself: a starting point that should allow those who have a "preoccupazione di piena fedeltà alla parola di Dio" (this should really be a synonym for "Christian"), to continue, in a scientific way, in a study (says also the document above)

il cui scopo principale è l’approfondimento della fede.

Amen.

OK, Jim started it. I myself then checked what type of American English I speak, and it turns out it is

• 55% General American English
• 30% Yankie
• 15% Dixie
• 0% Midwestern
• 0% Upper Midwestern

An all important thing is obviously to critically validate the methodology, so I also took the test to discover Who's Your Inner European. The result is at the same time comforting and disquieting:

Your Inner European is Italian!

Passionate and colorful. You show the world what culture really is.

(yes, the disquieting part comes from the picture)

Naturally, an even stronger validity check would be if Jim took the same test, ending up being - guess what - Swiss (extra points if the associated picture were a portrait of Zwingli).

I just read the article by C. Drew Smith on "Reading Liberal Books at Church-Based Universities", available on the SBL Forum. I am writing this as a sequel to my previous Instant Messaging and distant degrees post.

I think that the passage

But rarely do we take up the hard task of helping students learn to think theologically. [...] As theological educators, we are compelled to guide students to develop a practice of thinking critically about their faith.

is very right. While the second part is maybe (maybe) especially applicable to teachers of a Church-based educational institution, the first part should be true of every institution offering theology courses.

Now, of course one should see this in the context of a clear educational path: I do not think one can really "learn to think theologically" in just 3 or 4 years of courses covering everything from history, to ancient languages, to philosophy, art, liturgy, etc. But the basis of that learning should become sound. It is a perhaps unique opportunity to give students a path to maturity: a path, in general, toward the attitude to "become lifelong learners" and, specifically for believers, toward the search for a faith growing more and more adult.

So, on the one hand, a sophomor course like the one mentioned by professor Smith should not be too ambitious: the risk is, for example, to create mostly confusion in the mind of people not used to the arguments being discussed. It takes time and application to be able to understand different positions, or different cultures and times (if you want an easy example, try to read the Summa Theologiae, which was written first and foremost for students, to your own theology students), especially when the milieu in which students grow in is not particularly familiar with theological debates and culture (which is something that - in my experience - is true almost everywhere today). The risk I mention is not (or not necessarily) a risk for the faith of the students: it is rather, I think, a learning hazard. It is as if one tried to master philosophy just by reading what All The Important Philosophers™ said: in the end, unless carefully followed, one would not be able to discern anything, and everything would probably collapse into a cauldron where apples, oranges, and all the fruits of this world (and probably others) would happily mix. Above, instead of "Philosophy", one could of course have e.g. "Church History", or "Christian Doctrine".

But, on the other hand, it does not seem that pre-limiting a theology-related course content in too strict a way is satisfactory, either. Would you be happy if the students of your early Church History course would not know at the end of your course what Augustine's position on Pelagius really was? And what Pelagius really said? And why knowing this is important? But we can't teach everything, we need to make selections!, say the professors. That is patently true. Here's the point, then: your students, unless carefully followed, will not be able to understand that you did make selections, and the reasons you made the selections you made. They may even end up thinking that what they studied, and that they perhaps learned very well, is a comprehensive summary of what is there to know on the subject of the course. It is as if one tried to study Italian literature (to take something I am vaguely familiar with) reading only secondary sources and, since we do not have a lot of time at hand, only Dante, Petrarca and Boccaccio (and we will skip the most complex Canti of the Divina Commedia because they are just that, that is, complex). This is what one of my old professors labeled as "recounting the fable of literature". Again, instead of "literature", one could put e.g. Textual Criticism, or New Testament. Does this mean that one should try to put more stringent limits to the content of a course? Maybe. In our (U London, external studies) examinations for Church History to 461 CE (only 461 years to study, right?) one could probably focus on just the first 250 years or less, select 4 questions at the exam that only deal with, say, the Apostolic Fathers, Justin, Cyprian, and Tertullian, and be done with it (maybe with excellent marks). Does this mean that the student did well in exam? No. It really does not. But that is what we (students) are advised to do: in the study guides, it is often explicitly said that, if one wants to get good marks, it is probably better to focus on just a few topics: a selection of the selection (which will be further selected, often arbitrarily, when students decide which textbooks to read and which not - assuming they have and know how to use a bibliography). To the teachers, it does not seem to matter if their students do not know in the end what is Nicea, or Chalcedon, or the filioque controversy and, again, why it is important to know about them. Is this because their students are external? Regardless of the answer, yes or no, the real point is, quite naturally, to define the real meaning of the course as an educational device. To say the least, it seems to me that this way of teaching does not "help students to learn theologically".

What I am saying here is most obvious, then. I do not think that a teacher can believe to have fulfilled his role (or "mission", if you like) of being a teacher without clarifying and giving (partial, perhaps) answers to the above, which means at least to follow in some way those, who count on him or her to "learn to think theologically". But you cannot have your cake and eat it too! says, and perhaps rightly so, Danny Zacharias over at Deinde, when considering his experience with distant students. But if he is right, I would not offer in the first place a degree about which it is specifically said that "There is only one University of London degree, and it is awarded both to students attending in London and to External students." Tim says that I was probably wrong when I singled out external students in my previous post, because a student is a student is a student, and all have common needs and rights: well, I would so love to be proved wrong.

Fact is that, to me, the points made by C. Drew Smith about "liberal books" (or "orthodox books", for that matter) are certainly not applicable to my external studies. A small test for "in situ" teachers: in the bibliography for the Philosophy of Religion course, which I took last year, one can - and that's very good!, I myself quickly add - find Mackie's The Miracle of Theism: try to assign it as required reading to your first year theology students, but do not otherwise specifically deal with it; then ask them to explain, perhaps in written form, perhaps during an exam, their critical thought about what Mackie said.

I've read several comments from all over the place on the election of the new pope, Benedict XVI.

It strikes me to see how dismayed many people seem to be. Myself, I can say I was positively impressed by his homily in the mass pro eligendo romano pontifice (read it here, in Italian); his reference to "the" Truth and to Charity (I am studying these days John 18-21, and specifically 18:37-38 resonated in this context: πᾶς ὁ ὢν ἐκ τῆς ἀληθείας ἀκούει μου τῆς φωνῆς. λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Πιλᾶτος, Τί ἐστιν ἀλήθεια;), to the real meaning of humanism, and to the danger (or more properly "dictatorship", as he said) of relativism sound very modern and appropriate.

It seems to me that it is a bit early to dismiss the man just by saying that he is a conservative, and traditionalist, and dogmatic person (some of the qualities that right now I see attributed to him a lot), especially when these comments come from people outside the Church, people sometimes without even a clear idea of what these terms actually mean. We'll see what he wants to do, what he does not want to do, and what he will be able to actually do, as my old acquaintance and Church historian Alberto Melloni writes today on the Corriere della Sera.

Perhaps one could start looking at his bibliography to get an idea of what his interests are, and of the things he wrote about, and one could maybe even read some of them. That's what, time permitting, I shall try to do.

As a Christian, though, I think that the first thing to do now, and the thing he asked first when he appeared yesterday at the balcony after the election, is to pray for him. So, to start, as the Roman missal has it, Da ei, quaesumus, verbo et exemplo, quibus praeest, proficere: ut ad vitam, una cum grege sibi credito, perveniat sempiternam. Per Christum, Dominum nostrum.

I am blogging here on a post by Tim Bulkeley on "Instant Messaging and the Distant Student".

I am a distant student or, as the University of London puts it, an "external student".

I definitely commend Tim for trying out this. I think that one of the greatest deficiencies (or perhaps the greatest deficiency) of the External BD program at the U of London is the absolute lack of interaction with teachers. This is fairly demotivating, as you are left with just some "study notes" (which can be of course more or less good, depending on the subject), no formal assignments to do, no online access to a university library (although this is now mentioned on the web site; but by no means am I sure how to get access to it), and, once per year, a set of written anonymous examinations. You don't even get to know why you were given your marks, i.e. where could you have done better. (incidentally, this is also why I very much appreciated the feedback and the interactions I received from readers of this blog re my notes - feedback from students, pastors, and professors, none of which, quite sadly, from the University of London.)

Now, I care little for the marks themselves, although I try hard to get the highest possible ones: I don't study theology for my "professional future" (see below), or because it is a required path, or because I want a title, and so on; I do this because, as Aquinas puts it, "manifestum est, secundum omnem modum, [sacram doctrinam] digniorem esse aliis [scientiis]": the syllabus of this degree, and the examinations, should allow me to get a deeper understanding of the subject: deeper, I mean, compared to what I would be able to get, were I studying entirely on my own. But sometimes I have the impression that all boils down to having a more complete reading list. This is a pity.

I am of course not so naive to expect to have teachers willing or able to adopt Origen's pedagogical method toward their students (as described for example by Gregory Thaumaturgus), especially with external students. But I remember from my University times that what I always hated was to perceive University like, as we would say in colloquial Italian, "un esamificio" (a place where you go just to be examined, get your marks, and eventually your degree).

I think Tim's idea is a genuinely good one. My professional experience is outside the field of theology: I am a physicist, working on distributed software technologies, and we use forum boards, instant messaging and similar tools quite frequently. With regards specifically to IM, it seems to me that, in a context similar to Tim's, it can be invaluable especially if there is a clear scope: that is, if it is used not just to voice one's mood; there should be, if not a moderator, at least a commonly held view of what the goals are, and of the topic being discussed; this requires of course organization.

And there should also be some clarity on roles and pre-requisites: if we are discussing say one's paper on topic X, everybody is supposed to have read the paper in advance, to have set aside some time so he/she can actively participate in the chat and not just lurk while reading email, googling around or doing other things, and the author is the one who is supposed to answer questions (some prepared in advance, some coming in "real-time"). If questions cannot be answered right away, a further session is scheduled, or a paper update is delivered. The chat can be saved so it can be examined later, to try and see what went well, what wrong, where focus was lost, what is the follow-up, etc.

The distinctive sign of IM is interactivity, and this is where one should concentrate: typnig errors are not important, as long as the discussion flow can continue. I remember that I used to have 1-1 meetings with a manager of mine via IM, and we were discussing there projects status, issues, questions one could have for the other, etc. The difference with a phone call is that if I need to point to an online resource, or to a resource I have in my computer that I think is relevant to the discussion (simple example in Tim's environment: textual variants, taken e.g. from a Bible sw one has installed), I copy/paste it in the chat box, which is something I obviously can't do via phone; not to mention the fact that when we do phone conferences in an international environment, we always have the problem of sound quality, which severely affects the interaction especially of non-native English speakers. Timezones can be a problem (they are for us, when we have to interact e.g. with US-based colleagues), in which case either an email-like solution is used, or an accepted time is found; but that is of course no different with phone calls.

Is this feasible for an "external" University degree in Theology? I surely hope so, if one cares for the knowledge that is being transmitted through the degree. I would go as far as to say that this is much more important for a theology degree than it is for others (cf. Aquinas' quote above). Does it scale? It definitely depends on the organization you have, and on the effort you put into it. The U of London, which claims to have a total of 32,000 external students, says on its website that in the year 2002/2003 there were in total 133 external students enrolled for the Bachelor of Divinity, plus another 87 for the Dipl. Theology. I don't know the numbers for individual courses (say, Church History to CE 461, to take one I studied for this year), but I suspect one would come down to manageable figures, if there was interest and will.

So Tim, if you read this, keep up the good work!

De profundis clamavi ad te Domine.
Domine, exaudi vocem meam! Fiant aures tuae intendentes in vocem deprecationis meae!
Si iniquitates observabis Domine, Domine, quis sustinebit?
Quia apud te propitiatio est, et propter legem tuam sustinui te, Domine.
Sustinuit anima mea in verbo eius, speravit anima mea in Domino.
A custodia matutina usque ad noctem speret Israel in Domino.
Quia apud Dominum misericordia, et copiosa apud eum redemptio.
Et ipse redimet Israel ex omnibus iniquitatibus eius.