Monday, July 12, 2004

 

Ignatius of Antioch and early persecutions

He was the victim of a persecution that broke at Antioch, of which we don't know the reason. He died about 110 in Rome.

There are seven epistles mentioned by Eusebius in HE 3.36 (and supposed to be authentic):
  1. To the Christians of Ephesus
  2. To the Christians of Magnesia
  3. To the Christians of Tralles
  4. To the Christians of Rome
  5. To the Christians of Philadelphia
  6. To the Christians of Smyrna
  7. To Polycarp
The letters to Ephesus, Magnesia, Tralles and Rome were written from Smyrna. The letters to Philadelphia, Smyrna and to Polycarp were written from Troas.

In the letter to Ephesus, Magnesia and Tralles, Ignatius mentions the bishop of these churches (Onesimus, Damas and Polybius, respectively). He does not mention a bishop in the letter to the Romans. This fact has been interpreted in various ways: first of all, some think it unlikely that monoepiscopacy was in place in the 1st century (this is the same observation I wrote about in the notes on 1 Clement). This is important: if it was true, it would perhaps mean that at least this part of the letters has been tampered with. Other doctrinal points that are extracted from the letters, then, would also be called into discussion (see later). How this tampering would be related to the long recension of the letters I don't know. Secondly, assuming there was indeed a bishop at Ephesus, Magnesia and Tralles, why did he not mention a bishop at Rome? Perhaps the Roman church at that time had no bishop. I find it difficult to reconcile this with 1 Clement (which is normally dated around 95).

The common three motives of his letters are:
  1. Strenghten respect for bishops and presbyters
  2. Reject docetism and any tendency to Judaistic practices (it is not clear if this is directly linked to docetism or if the critic to Judaism stands on its own). See this article on docetism by AKMA.
  3. Secure the future of his own church in Antioch
Ignatius' concern for unity and concord has been seen by some as an indicator to affinity of Ignatius with gnostic thought. Schlier thought that gnostic ideas are reflected in the mythological account of Eph. 19 (cf. in particular the outcome: "the ignorance of wickedness vanished away").

The attitude of Ignatius toward Judaism is one that recognizes this is the path Christians are coming from (Magn., 8-10). But Judaism lived in preparation of Jesus Christ, and now "It is monstrous to talk of Jesus Christ and to practise Judaism. For Christianity did not believe in Judaism, but Judaism in Christianity".

Newman:
the whole system of Catholic doctrine may be discovered, at least in outline, not to say in parts filled up, in the course of his [Ignatius'] seven epistles.
In particular, these are points that have been read into the letter from a Catholic perspective (from the Catholic Encyclopedia):
  • divine institution of the Church, whose end is salvation of the souls. Those who separate from the Church cut themselves off from God (Philad. c. iii)
  • the hierarchy of the Church was instituted by Christ (lntrod. to Philad.; Ephes., c. vi)
  • threefold character of the hierarchy (Magn., c. vi)
  • the order of the episcopacy is superior by Divine authority to that of the priesthood (Magn., c. vi, c. xiii; Smyrn., c. viii;. Trall., .c. iii)
  • unity of the Church (Trall., c. vi;Philad., c. iii; Magn., c. xiii)
  • holiness of the Church (Smyrn., Ephes., Magn., Trall., and Rom.)
  • catholicity of the Church (Smyrn., c. viii)
  • infallibility of the Church (Philad., c. iii; Ephes., cc. xvi, xvii)
  • doctrine of the Eucharist (Smyrn., c. viii)
  • Incarnation (Ephes., c. xviii)
  • supernatural virtue of virginity, already much esteemed and made the subject of a vow (Polyc., c. v)
  • religious character of matrimony (Polyc., c. v)
  • value of united prayer (Ephes., c. xiii)
  • primacy of the See of Rome (Rom., introd.)
  • against the doctrine of private judgment in matters' of religion (Philad. c. iii)
An important point is to see how much if any of this is eisegesis. I understand these points have been historically perceived by protestant theology to be just that, possibly by means of later additions.

Anyway, why was he arrested? We find throughout the letters a concern toward the spiritual health of the faithful against heresies or attacks to authority. I find it plausible that the very same problems he deals with were present in his own city of Antioch. We already saw in 1 Clement that similar issues plagued the Corinthians, so this does not seem too unrealistic. This might also give us a hint on Ignatius' attitude toward his own ministry: he is and wants to be a martyr, and he also feels very much the unworthiness of his own condition: perhaps being under attack might partly explain this attitude. Indeed, in the letter to Polycarp he mentions possible attacks to the bishop: they might well have been attacks to his own ministry. This is also a theme we already found in 1 Clement.

Certainly his doctrine of the incarnation is linked to his own fate on earth and to his desire to be a martyr:
But if it were as certain persons who are godless, that is unbelievers, say, that He suffered only in semblance, being themselves mere semblance, why am I in bonds? And why also do I desire to fight with wild beasts? So I die in vain. (Trall. 10)
The reason for his arrest might then be linked to some unrest that occurred in Antioch (parallel perhaps to what Suetonius says in his life of Claudius). This is related to an important point: we normally do not know the exact reasons why Christianity was considered illegal, and why Christians were killed and/or deported to Rome. This is true at least before emperor Decius decides (in 250) that Christians are a real enemy of the Roman order. Before that period, persecutions were sporadic and random.

The customary reason for arrest given by early Christians was that the Jews accused them before the Romans (see for example Acts 18:12-17). But some other interesting facts can be considered:
  • Tacitus (Annals, 15.44), in his report of the fire of Rome under Nero, says that the Christians are "a class hated for their abominations", and that Christianity was "a most mischievous superstition".
  • Pliny the Younger, in his letter to the emperor Trajan (about 112), says that he observed the practices of the Christians. He points out that:
    • Christians are stubborn, and "stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy surely deserve to be punished".
    • There are anonymous charges against the Christians (see below). Trajan in his reply does not approve of these anononymous charges.
    • Christians meet on a fixed day before dawn, "sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god" and plead not to commit frauds, theft, adultery, etc.
    • Christians eat "ordinary and innocent food". This is most certainly a reference to allegations of cannibalism against them.
    • Christianity is a "supersition", and its contagion "has spread not only to the cities but also to the villages and farms".
    • Since Christianity spread, official temples have been almost deserted; this has caused among other things economical problems, notably in the area of the commerce of sacrificial animals.

    Trajan approved the condemnation of unrepenting Christians.

  • There are instances, for example in the Passion of the Scillitan Martyrs (180), where Christians deny the authority of the the Roman emperor ("The empire of this world I know not; but rather I serve that God, whom no man hath seen, nor with these eyes can see. I have committed no theft; but if I have bought anything I pay the tax; because I know my Lord, the King of kings and Emperor of all nations").
The anonymous allegations against Christians may suggest some people's reactions against the new religion: thinking it a superstition, they found it to be the source of calamities or negative events that occurred in their lives. Christians, who departed from the pagan religious patrimony of their fathers, were perceived to anger the gods (they disrupted the pax deorum). Tertullian testifies to this scapegoat attitude toward Christians when he writes "if the Tiber overflows or the Nile doesn’t; if plague struck, or famine, or earthquake, all at once the cry goes up: 'the Christian to the lion!'".

It is also interesting to review the Octavius of Minucius Felix, probably written in the late second century. There, the allegations against Christians assume a systematic form (the document was used as an apologetic piece); some of them are the following:
  • since all human affairs are doubtful and uncertain, it is illogical that Christians "dare to determine on anything with certainty" concerning things. Therefore, it is better to follow the traditional religions. This is even more true since Christians are for the most part "untrained and illiterate persons".
  • Christians are fools because they worship a crucified man. They are then said to "worship the head of an ass", and to be initiated "by the slaughter and the blood of an infant". They are also "mixed up in an uncertain medley in shameless darkness". Their is a "religion of lust", and they call themselves "promiscuously brothers and sisters". They also deal in incestuous relations.
  • the God of the Christians is thought to be hidden and unseen, but still "mischievous, restless, and unseasonably inquisitive". Also, Christians are worse than Jews because they keep their things secret (while Jews worshipped their God openly).
  • they promise destruction of the world (in particular, impending destruction of non-believers by their God) and further resurrection of the dead. Resurrection is dubbed an "old women's fable", and the discussion about it is quite to the point:
    I should be glad to be informed whether or no you rise again with bodies; and if so, with what bodies--whether with the same or with renewed bodies? Without a body? Then, as far as I know, there will neither be mind, nor soul, nor life. With the same body? But this has already been previously destroyed. With another body? Then it is a new man who is born, not the former one restored.
Several of the objections in Octavius are modern and deserve further attention. The same goes with the objections raised by Celsus.
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